[1] Tarikh al-tabari 2:191; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:13; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 5-6.

[2] Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 13; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah, pp. 118; Mas`udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 195-196; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:33; Ibn `Anbah, `Umdat al-talib, pp. 28.

[3] Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:56; Al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-Nasab, pp. 17.

[4] Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:155; tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:105.

[5] Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 155; Ibn `Anbah, op cit, p28.

[6] Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 154; Ibn `Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma`arif, pp. 67; tabarsi, Majma` al-Bayan 10:546; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:96; Ibn `Abd-Rabbih, al-`Iqd al-Farid 3:312; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:84; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, Saba’ik al-Dhahab, pp. 62, Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 1:204.

Some genealogists have considered the children of Fihr ibn Malik ibn Nizar as part of Quraysh. See Kalbi, op cit, pp. 21; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, p55; Ibn Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 96; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, op cit, pp. 62; Ibn Wazih, op cit, pp. 204; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat Ansab al-`Arab, pp. 12; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:25-26.

There are some other statements regarding this issue. See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:27.

[7] The Arab groups and tribes are given different names, such as sha`b, qabilah, `imarah, batn, fadkhdh and fasilah in accordance with their extension and size. For instance, Khuzaymah was a sha`b; Kinanah qabilah, Quraysh `imarah, Qusay batn, Hashim fakhdh, and `Abbas fasilah. See Ibn `Abd-Rabbih, al-`Iqd al-Farid 3:330; Husayn Mu'nis, the History of Quraysh.

On the basis of this typology, some researchers have attributed Quraysh to qabilah and some to `imarah. But the very nature of this typology is a suspect; some researchers would not accept it as such. See The History of Quraysh, pp. 215-216. Here, we will refer to Quraysh as a qabilah (tribe).

[8] Mas`udi states that the tribe of Quraysh had twenty-five branches and he mentions them by names. See Muruj al-Dhahab 2:269.

[9] Halabi, op cit, pp. 6.

[10] op cit, p6; Shukri al-alusi; Bulugh al-Irab 1:324.

[11] Halabi, op cit, pp. 6, al-alusi, op cit, pp. 323; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:15, al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:73.

[12] Halabi, op cit, pp. 7; Mas`udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:109.

[13] al-alusi, op cit, pp. 324, Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:7; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:7; Shaykh al-saduq, al-Khisal 2:312-313.

[14] saduq, al-I`tiqadat, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:117; Usul al-Kafi 1:445.

Among the issues concerning `Abd al-Muttalib is his vow to sacrifice one of his children for God. The report on this vow, despite its fame, suffers some documental considerations and needs further clarifications. See `Ali Dawani, The History Of Islam From The Start To Hegira, pp. 54-59; Shaykh al-saduq, Man-La-Yahzuruhu’l-Faqih 3:89.

[15] saduq, op cit, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 117; Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat, pp. 12; tabarsi, Majma` al-Bayan 4:322.

Some researchers have interpreted this narration in the form of the cleanliness of the progenitor. See Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Some Lectures On The Analytic History Of Islam 1:64.

[16] Mufid, op cit, saduq, op cit.

Some Sunni distinguished scholars, such as al-Fakhr al-Razi and al-Suyuti, believe the same thing in this regard as the Twelver Shi`ah. See Bihar al-Anwar 15:118-122.

[17] saduq, Kamal al-Din, pp. 175; al-Ghadir 7:387.

[18] For further information regarding these events, see Mas`udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 172-181; Muhammad Ibrahim ayati, The History Of The Prophet Of Islam, pp. 26-27.

[19] Mas`udi, op cit, pp. 27.

[20] Shaykh al-tusi, al-Amali, pp. 80-82; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 94-97; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 44-55; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 67-69; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 70-77.

[21] Prior to the event of the Elephant Army, Quraysh had appointed the death of Qusay as a historical point of reference. See Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:4.

[22] Shaykh al-Kulayni, Usul al-Kafi 1:439; Ibn Wazih, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:4; Mas`udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:274; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:250-252; Halabi, op cit, pp. 95; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 72-73; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:201; Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:101; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:14; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nubawiyyah 1:167; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, The Clarification Of The History Of Damascus; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 61.

[23] `Ali Akbar Fayyaz, the History of Islam, pp. 62; `Abbas Ziryab, Sirat Rasulillah, pp. 86-87; Sayyid Ja`far Shahidi, Tarikh Tahlili Islam ta Payan Umawiyyan, pp. 37.

Concerning the exact date of the Holy Prophet's birthday, whether it occurred in the Elephant Year or prior or after it, the matter is not clear. For Further information, see Muhammad The Last Of The Prophets 1:176-177; the article of Sayyid Ja`far Shahidi in Rasuli Mahallati’s Lessons from the Analytical History of Islam 1:107; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:203; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:281-282; Sayyid Hasan Taqizadah, From Parviz to Genghis, pp. 153; Husayn Mu’nis, the History of Quraysh, pp. 153-159.

Furthermore, some European historians explained the motive behind Abraha's military campaign to be an ambition for territorial expansion against Iran via the northern part of Arabia, which took place due to the Roman instigations. In Muslim reference books, the motive is said to be religious due to the competition between the Church in Yemen and the Kaaba in Hijaz. See Fayyaz, op cit, pp. 62; Abu’-l-Qasim Payandeh, introduction of the translation of Qur’an into Persian.

[24] Shaykh al-Kulayni, op cit, pp. 439; Ibn Wazih, op cit, pp. 6. al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 2:167.

The age of the Holy Prophet at his father's death is also recorded as eleven months and twenty-eight days. See Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:100.

[25] Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 17:282; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:99; Mas`udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:176; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:10.

[26] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:6; Halabi, op cit, 1:143.

[27] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:6; I`lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 110; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:15; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:384.

[28] Halabi, op cit, 1:146.

[29] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:7; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 110; Mas`udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196, Muruj al-Dhahab, 2:274; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 101-102; Ibn Kathir, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 49.

[30] Al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:94; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad’ wal-Tarikh 4:131; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:401; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:112.

[31] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:7; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:33; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 44; Mas`udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:275.

[32] Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:203; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 401.

[33] Ja`far Subhani, Forugh Abadiyyat 1:159; Sayyid Ja`far Murtaza al-`amili, al-sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A`zam 1:81.

[34] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah, 1:176; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 113; Halabi, op cit, pp. 146; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 146.

It is said while the Holy Prophet was living with Halimah al-Sa`diyyah in the desert when the case of opening his chest took place. However, experts in the history of Islam regard this as invented and false for many reason. See Sayyid Ja`far Murtaza al-`amili, al-sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A`zam 1:82; Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Lessons From The Analytical History Of Islam 1:189, 204; Sheikh Muhmud Abu-Rayyah, Azwa'un `Ala al-Sunnah al-Muhammadiyyah 1:175-177.

[35] Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171-172; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 93, Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 110-111.

[36] Ibn Shahrashub, a distinguished narrator, has dealt with this issue but has not dealt with the Holy Prophet’s orphanage. See al-Manaqib 1:33.

[37] Salma, the mother of `Abd al-Muttalib was from Yathrib and from Banu’l-Najjar. See al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:121.

[38] Ibn Ishaq, op cit, p65; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 94 Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 116; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 177; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, p121; tabarsi, op cit, pp. 9; saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:172; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:7; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:223.

[39] Halabi, op cit, 1:172.

[40] Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:178; saduq, op cit, pp. 171; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:9.

[41] Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 189; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; tabari, op cit, 2:194.

[42] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi, pp. 1; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:119; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; al-Suhayli, al-Rawz al-Anif 1:193.

[43] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:11; Jawad `Ali, al-Mufassal 4:82.

[44] Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:219.

[45] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:119; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:36; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:285.

[46] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:11; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 1:14; Usul al-Kafi 1:453.

[47] A village in Hawran, a province of Damascus. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu`jam al-Buldan 1:441.

[48] This issue is brought up by the following Muslim historians and narrators: Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:191-193; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:90, h. 2620; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 73; Ibn Sa`d, Al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:121; Mas`udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:286; saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:182-186; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:96; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 1:195; tabarsi, I`lam al-Wara, pp. 17-18; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:15; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:270, 354; Ibn Kathir, Sirat al-Nabi 1:243-249, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 2:229-230; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:141; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:409.

[49] Qur’an 2:41, 42, 89, 146; 7:157; 6: 20; 61: 6.

[50] Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:193; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:590; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:278; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:245; saih al-Bukhari 5:28.

[51] Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:11; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:81; Usul al-Kafi 1:447.

[52] Gustav Le Bon, The Islamic And Arab Civilization, pp. 101, Ignáz Goldziher, Doctrine and Law in Islam, pp. 25; Muhammad Ghazzali, Trial of Goldziher the Zionist, pp. 47; Karl Brockleman, History of Muslim Peoples, pp. 34; Treason in Historical Accounts 1:220-225

[53] Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, pp. 207.

[54] Qur’an 4:47,51,171; 5:72-73; 9:630.

[55] Shaykh `Abbas al-Qummi, Safinat al-Bihar 2:727; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihayah fi Gharib al-hadith wa’l-Athar 5:282.

[56] Murtaza al-`amili, al-sahih mi Sirat al-Rasul al-A`zam, pp. 106.

[57] Halabi, op cit, 2:332.

[58] Muhammad, a prophet who should be re-evaluated, pp. 5. This book includes weak points, errors and distortions which decrease the scientific value of its content. The style of the translator, too, is quite peculiar; see Nashr Danish Magazine, eighth year, Issue, 2, pp. 52, Article: a phenomenon called Zabihollah Mansuri, written by Karim Emami.

[59] Muhammad, the last of the prophets 1:188, the article of Sayyid Ja`far Shahidi. Some contemporary Iranian historians have raised some doubts on the issue of the Holy Prophet’s visit to Bahira, such doubts and disturbances should be taken care of. We shouldn’t that even if we superficially believe that this visit has not taken place, nothing is taken away from the grandeur of the Holy Prophet, because there were numerous other predictions of the coming prophet beside Bahira. The reason why we have brought up the claims of the Orientalists here is to show that they have used this issue to make some distortions in the history of Islam.

[60] One of the events in which the Holy Prophet is said to have participated in while he was young was the war of al-Fujjar. It is said that this war had taken place prior to Hilf al-Fuzul when the Holy Prophet was 14-20 years old. However, since his participation in this war is doubtful, we will not follow it up here. See al-sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A`zam 1:95-97; Some analytical lessons of the history of Islam 1:303-503.

^[61] Ibn Sa`d, al-tabaqat al-Kubra 1:128; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 52.

[62] Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 52-53; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 128; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:13; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:142; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:12.

[63] Muhammad Ibn Sa`d, op cit. It is recorded that the age of the Holy Prophet was even older at this time. Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:13; al-Munammaq, pp. 53; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:225.

[64] Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 142; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi, op cit, pp. 13; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 16; Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 188.

[65] Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 54-55

[66] al-Buladhari 2:13. The memory of this treaty was still fresh at the start of Islam. For instance, during the reign of Mu`awiyah al-Walid ibn `Utbah ibn Abi-Sufyan was the governor of Medina. He quarreled with Imam al-Husayn on a financial issue about the grove of Dhu’l-Marwah. Imam al-Husayn said, “Is al-Walid acting arrogantly against me because he has ruling authority? I swear by Allah, if he does not give me my due, I shall take my sword and stand in the Mosque of Allah calling by the name of Hilf al-Fuzul.” When his word was conveyed to `Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr, he cried out, “By Allah I swear, if al-Husayn calls by the name of Hilf al-Fuzul, I shall certainly take my sword and support him; and then, either he will be given his due or we die altogether.” When al-Walid was informed of these situation, he had to give al-Husayn his due until he pleased him. See Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:142; al-Buladhari, op cit, 2:14; Halabi, op cit, 1:215; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:226; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:42.

[67] Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:199; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 81. Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, in Tadhkirat al-Khawass pp. 301, says “Khadijah used to employ them in the form of limited partnership.” Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah 1:16, says: “She used to employ either in the form of limited partnership or on a wage-system.”

[68] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:129.

[69] There are some pieces of evidence which show that the Holy Prophet’s job was in the form of limited participation and not on the basis of wage-earning system. See al-sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A`zam 1:112.

[70] Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 199; Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 81.

[71] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, pp. 130.

[72] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 130.

[73] Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, p131; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39; Tarikh al-tabari 2:196; al-Bayhaqi, Dala’il al-Nubuwwah 1:215; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Dulabi, al-Dhurriyyah al-tahirah, pp. 45-46.

[74] Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:200-201; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:131; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:215; al-Dulabi, op cit, pp. 46; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

[75] Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Halabi, op cit, 1:224; `Asqalani, al-Isabah fi Tamyiz al-sahabah 4:281; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, al-Isi`ab 4:279.

[76] Halabi, op cit, 1:224.

[77] Her previous husbands were `Utayq ibn `a’idh and Abu-Halah Hind ibn Nabbash. See Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Ibn Hajar, op cit, pp. 281; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 280; Halabi, op cit, 1:229; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 201; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302.

According to some documents, Lady Khadijah had never married before the Holy Prophet who, accordingly, was her first and last husband. Some contemporary experts emphasize this point. Murtaza al-`amili, al-sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A`zam 1:121.

[78] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 215; tabari, op cit, 2:197; Halabi, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40.

[79] al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 16:22.

[80] al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 20-21; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:203; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:41.

[81] al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 21-23.

[82] Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:98; Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:16; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40; Dulabi; op cit, pp. 46; Halabi, op cit, pp. 227; al-Majlisi, op cit, 16:19.

[83] al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 98; Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:132; tabari, op cit, 2:196: Halabi, op cit, pp. 228; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, al-Isi`ab 4:280; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

Regarding Lady Khadijah’s age, there are various statements and records. See Amir Muhanna al-Khayyami, Zawjat al-Nabi wa-Awladuhu, pp. 53-54.

[84] Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:201; Dulabi, op cit, pp. 49; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:216; Khargushi, op cit, pp. 201; `Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434.

[85] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:121; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:210; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:211; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:369.

[86] This stone, being the most sacred component of the Kaaba, is introduced as a heavenly stone which became a component of Kaaba by Prophet Abraham due to God's command. See al-Majlisi, op cit, 12:84, 99; al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah 1:62-63. Al-Hajar al-Aswad is a reddish-black, oval piece of stone set in the eastern side of the Kaaba at a height of one meter and a half from the ground. It is the center of circumambulation.

[87] Ibn Sa`d, op cit, 1:145-146, Tarikh al-Ya`qubi 2:14-15; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:337-338; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:99-100; Mas`udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:271-272. Some historians have given other reasons for the reconstruction of the Kaaba. However, every historian has referred to the Holy Prophet’s Judgment. See Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 103; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:205; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah.

[88] Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:262; tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:213; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:58; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:90; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:119, and 1:15.

[89] Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 1:15; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, 2:180.

[90] Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp. 15.

[91] Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 13, pp. 200.

[92] Shaykh al-tusi, al-Amali, pp. 624.

[93] Al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa', pp. 170.

[94] Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon 192.