Chapter 8
The Sunni
Books on the Characteristics of the Mahdi
The session began on time at Dr. Fahimi's house.
Dr. Fahimi welcomed the group and without wasting much time formulated
his question with a brief introduction outlining the problem as
he saw it.
Dr. Fahimi:
The personality of the Mahdi in the Shi'i traditions is prominent
and clear. However, in the Sunni traditions it is mentioned briefly
and that also with much ambiguity. For example, the story of his
occultation which is recorded in the majority of your traditions,
and which is regarded as the fundamental aspect of his attributes,
is entirely absent in our traditions. The promised Mahdi in your
hadith has different names such as Qa'im, Master of the
Command and so on, which, in our sources, is lacking and he is
mentioned only by one name, that is, Mahdi. More particularly,
the Qa'im is totally missing in our hadith. Do you regard
this as something normal, or do you see a problem with such an
absence?
Mr. Hoshyar:
Apparently, the reason could be that during the Umayyad and 'Abbasid
periods the subject of Mahdiism had assumed a political dimension.
As such the recording and dissemination of the traditions about
the promised Mahdi, especially the signs of his appearance and
all the details dealing with his occultation and revolution, was
suppressed. The rulers were extremely fearful of the spread of
the hadith about the occultation and subsequent emergence
of the Mahdi. They were certainly sensitive about the terms 'occultation',
'rise', and 'insurrection'.
If you refer to the historical sources and
study the social and political conditions that prevailed under
the Umayyad and the 'Abbasid caliphate, you will agree with my
explanation as to why such information was suppressed by these
caliphs and their administrators. In this short time we cannot
go into any detail to investigate the major events of the period.
However, to prove our point we have to direct our attention to
two important issues:
First, since the story of Mahdiism had deep
religious roots and since the Prophet himself had given the information
that when disbelief and materialism become widespread and injustice
and tyranny become the order of the day, the Mahdi will rise and
will restore the pure religion and ethical order. It was for this
reason that Muslims always regarded this prophecy as a source
of great consolation and awaited it to be fulfilled. Under adverse
conditions when they had lost all hope for the restoration of
justice, the prophecy was even more in circulation, and those
who sought reform, including those who had the ambition to abuse
the simple faith of the people, took advantage of this prediction.
The first person who took advantage of the
people's faith in Mahdiism and its religious underpinnings was
Mukhtar. Following the tragic event of Karbala in 61 AH/680 CE,
Mukhtar wanted to avenge the martyrs of Karbala and overthrow
the Umayyad government. But he realized that the Hashimites and
the Shi'is had lost hope in seizing the caliphate for themselves.
Consequently, he saw the belief in Mahdiism as the only way to
awaken the people and make them hopeful. Since Muhammad b. Hanafiyya's
name and patronymic were the same as that of the Prophet (peace
be upon him and his progeny) (this was one of the recognized signs
of the Mahdi) Mukhtar decided to seize the opportunity and introduced
Muhammad b. Hanafiyya as the promised Mahdi and himself as his
vizier and envoy. He told the people that Muhammad b. Hanafiyya
was the promised Mahdi of Islam. At the time when the oppression
and tyranny were increasing and Husayn b. 'Ali, his family, and
companions were killed mercilessly at Karbala, the Mahdi had decided
to rise in order to avenge the martyrs of Karbala, and restore
justice on earth as it had been filled with wickedness. He then
introduced himself as the Mahdi's representative. In this manner
Mukhtar launched an insurrection and killed a group of murderers
who had participated in killing Imam Husayn. This was, by the
way, the first time that an insurrection had been launched against
the caliphate.
The second person who manipulated the faith
in the Mahdi for his own political ends was Abu Muslim of Khurasan.
Abu Muslim organized a widespread movement against the Umayyads
in Khurasan with the pretext of avenging the blood of Imam Husayn,
his family and companions who were killed in the tragic event
of Karbala. In addition, he rose to avenge the cruel murders of
Zayd b. 'Ali during the caliphate of Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik and
of Yahya b. Zayd during the caliphate of Walid. A group of people
regarded Abu Muslim himself to be the awaited Mahdi. Others saw
him as a forerunner of the Mahdi and as one of the signs that
preceded the final revolution under he who would appear with black
banners from the direction of Khurasan. In this insurrection the
'Alids, 'Abbasids and all other Muslims formed a united front
against the Umayyads that finally overthrew their rule over the
empire.
Although these movements were heavily based
on restoring the usurped rights of the ahl al-bayt and
avenging the unjust murders of the 'Alids, the 'Abbasids and their
supporters manipulated the insurrection to their own advantage.
With treachery and treason they distorted the actual direction
of the movement and seized power from the supporters of the 'Alids,
thereby establishing themselves as the ahl al-bayt of the
Prophet and as the new caliphs of Islam.
In this revolution, which was founded upon
Shi'i ideals of justice and equity, the people had succeeded in
proving their ability to overthrow the tyrannical rule of the
Umayyads. They were pleased that they had eliminated the source
of Umayyad corruption and had helped to return the right to rule
to its rightful leaders among the ahl al-bayt. After all,
they had at least succeeded in getting rid of Umayyad oppression.
The success had led them to aspire to a better life and a more
equitable society. In fact, they had congratulated each other
in those terms. However, within a short period they were awakened
to the cruelty of the new dynasty, the 'Abbasids, and realized
that the new rulers were not very different from those they had
replaced. There was no change in their living conditions, no justice,
no equity, and no peace. Their lives and property were not secure
from the worldly rulers and administrators of the new state. The
promised reforms and promulgation of the divine ordinances were
far from being realized. Gradually, as people became aware of
the failure of the revolution they had helped to launch, they
became conscious of their error in judgement regarding the 'Abbasids
and their deception in the name of the promised Mahdi.
The 'Alid leaders also found the 'Abbasid behavior
towards them and towards Islam and the Muslims not very different
from that of the Umayyads. In fact, the 'Abbasids proved themselves
to be even more manipulative and brutal towards the descendants
of 'Ali b. Abi Talib. They were left with no alternative than
to launch their resistance anew and fight the 'Abbasids also.
The best persons among them to lead such resistance were undoubtedly
the descendants of 'Ali and Fatima (peace be upon them). The reason
was that there were a number of their descendants who were known
for their piety, wisdom, knowledge and courage. In fact, they
were regarded as more qualified candidates for the caliphate.
Moreover, they were the true descendants of the Prophet and their
direct lineage to him generated a sense of loyalty and love for
them. In addition, because their rights had been usurped and they
had suffered wrongs at the hands of the Umayyads, the masses had
a natural inclination and sympathy for the ahl al-bayt.
Consequently, as the 'Abbasids persisted in
committing atrocities against the ahl al-bayt the people
were, more than ever before, drawn towards them and rallied to
their cause in opposing the rulers and in rebelling against them.
In addition, they made use of the notion of the Mahdi that had
from the time of the Prophet taken deep roots in the minds and
hearts of Muslims and introduced their revolutionary leader as
the promised Mahdi. This required the 'Abbasids to confront some
of the most popular, highly respected, and very learned rivals
to their power. The 'Abbasid caliphs knew the 'Alawid leaders
well, being fully aware of their personal qualities and honorable
family lineage and the prophecies that were foretold by the Prophet
about the future coming of the Mahdi, the restorer of Islamic
purity. They knew that in accordance with the traditions reported
from the Prophet the awaited Mahdi would be one of the descendants
of Fatima (peace be upon her). He would be the one to rise against
tyranny and oppression and establish the rule of justice on earth.
Moreover, they knew that his victory was guaranteed. The promise
of justice through the appearance of the Mahdi had an enormous
spiritual impact upon the people and the caliphal authority was
fully informed about its potentially explosive repercussions in
the empire. It is probably correct to say that the most formidable
challenge to 'Abbasid authority was from these 'Alawid leaders,
who had caused them to loosen their grip on the regions under
their control and face the consequences of their corrupt rule.
The strategy that was adopted by the 'Abbasids
in the light of this growing opposition to them was to divide
the followers of these 'Alawid leaders and prevent them from rallying
around them. The leaders themselves were kept under constant surveillance
and, the famous ones among them were either imprisoned or eliminated.
According to Ya'qubi, the historian, the 'Abbasid caliph Musa
Hadi tried his utmost to arrest the prominent descendants of 'Ali
b. Abi Talib. He had even terrorized them and had sent instructions
all over his realm demanding that they be arrested and sent to
him.[1] Similarly, Abu Faraj Isfahani writes:
"When Mansur became the caliph all he was concerned about
was the arrest of Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b. Hasan [b. 'Ali b.
Abi Talib] and finding out about his plans [regarding his claim
to being the Mahdi]." [2]
The Occultation
of the 'Alawid Leaders
One of the issues that was extremely sensitive
and worth investigating was the claim to invisible existence or
occultation of some of the 'Alawid leaders. Any one among them
who had the personal ability and qualities to become the leader
immediately attracted the people who then rallied around him with
dedication. This attraction took an extreme and intense form if
that person happened to possess one of the signs of the expected
Mahdi. On the other hand, as soon as a person became the rallying
point for the people, the caliphal authority became fearful of
the opposition and undertook to keep a close watch over its underground
activities and even to curtail its growing popularity among the
masses by using terror as a means of repressing revolutionary
fervor. Under these circumstances, the leader had to live in concealment
to protect himself. A number of these 'Alawid leaders lived a
life of concealment for a number of years. Among them are the
following examples cited by Abu Faraj Isfahani:
(1) During the time of Mansur, the 'Abbasid
caliph, Muhammad b. `Abd Allah b. Hasan and his brother Ibrahim
lived an invisible life. Mansur had tried several times to arrest
them. A number of the Hashimite leaders were imprisoned and they
were grilled to reveal the whereabouts of their messianic leader
Muhammad b. `Abd Allah. At the end of the day the prisoners were
tortured in various ways and killed.[3]
(2) `Isa b. Zayd lived in retreat and concealment
during Mansur's caliphate. Mansur made every effort to arrest
him, but he failed. Following him, his son Mahdi also tried, but
without any success.[4]
(3) During the caliphate of Mu`tasim and Wathiq,
Muhammad b. Qasim `Alawi lived an invisible life in concealment
and was regarded as being in occultation by the establishment.
He was, however, arrested during Mutawakkil's caliphate and died
while in prison.[5]
(4) During the caliphate of Harun Rashid, Yahya
b. `Abd Allah b. Hasan lived in concealment. But he was finally
discovered by the caliph's spies. At first he was given amnesty,
but later he was arrested and incarcerated. He died in Rashid's
prison of hunger and other forms of torture.[6]
(5) During the caliphate of Ma'mun, `Abd Allah
b. Musa lived in concealment and because of him Ma'mun lived in
constant fear and anxiety.[7]
Musa Hadi appointed one of the descendants
of `Umar b. Khattab by the name of `Abd al-`Aziz as the governor
of Madina. `Abd al-`Aziz used to treat the `Alids very harshly.
He kept them under constant surveillance, watching their movements
very closely. He used to force them to appear in his audience
every day so that they would not disappear. He actually exacted
promises from them to that effect and made each one of them answerable
for the other. Thus, for instance, Husayn b. `Ali and Yahya b.
`Abd Allah were made responsible for Hasan b. Muhammad b. `Abd
Allah b. Hasan. On one of the Fridays when the 'Alawids were all
gathered in his presence he did not allow them to return until
it was time for Friday prayer service. At that time he permitted
them to perform their ablutions and prepare for the worship. After
the prayer was over he ordered all of them arrested. During the
late afternoon prayer he asked them to attend the court and later
dismissed them. It was then that 'Abd al-'Aziz noticed that Hasan
b. Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah was not present. So he called Husayn
b. 'Ali and Yahya b. 'Abd Allah, who were answerable for him,
and informed them that for the past three days Hasan b. Muhammad
had not appeared in his audience. As such, he had either revolted
or disappeared. Since they were answerable for him they had to
find Hasan and bring him to `Abd al-`Aziz, otherwise they would
be imprisoned. To this Yahya replied: "He must have been
occupied and, therefore, did not show up. It is not possible for
us also to bring him back. Justice is a good thing. Just as you
keep a check on us making sure who is present and who is not,
why do not you ask the descendants of `Umar b. Khattab also to
appear in the audience? See how many are present, and if their
absentees are not more than ours then we have no objection to
your decision. Do as you please and take any decision regarding
us." `Abd al-`Aziz was not satisfied with their response.
He swore that if they did not find Hasan and bring him to him
he would demolish their homes, set their goods on fire and whip
Husayn b. 'Ali. [8]
Episodes like this reveal that the topic of
invisible existence or occultation of the 'Alawid leaders was
one of the regular issues during the 'Abbasid era. As soon as
one of them disappeared from public life he became the center
of attention from two directions: on the one hand, the masses,
who knew that occultation was one of the signs of the Mahdi, were
attracted towards him; on the other hand, the caliphal authority
had developed an extreme sense of anxiety because of the explosive
ramifications of such a disappearance for the security of its
power. After all, it was one of the signs of the Mahdi, and when
the people were told of the disappearance of these 'Alids they
speculated of their being the promised messianic leader who would
overthrow the tyrannical government of the 'Abbasids. Hence, the
authorities were worried about the ensuing chaos and political
turmoil unfolding in front of their eyes which the caliphal power
would have difficulty in repressing.
Now that you have familiarized yourself with
the critical social and political conditions that existed during
the 'Abbasid period and during which the hadith books were
compiled and composed, it is important to bear in mind that the
authors of these works and the transmitters of the hadith
did not possess the freedom to record all the hadith-reports
dealing with the promised Mahdi, and more particularly, traditions
dealing with the occultation and the rise of the awaited Mahdi.
Is it possible to maintain that the 'Abbasids did not have any
involvement or influence over the events in which Mahdi'ism had
taken a political form? Or, that they would permit the transmitters
of the traditions about the messianic role of the Mahdi and his
occultation to freely record and publicize the traditions that
would have actually been to their own detriment?
It is possible that you may contend that the
'Abbasids knew at least this much: that it was not in the interest
of the society to impose restrictions over the scholars and to
interfere with their scholarly work. Rather, the scholars and
the transmitters of the hadith-reports should be left alone
to present the truth to the people and make them aware of their
responsibilities. Well, we should cite some examples in which
the 'Abbasids and their predecessors, that is the Umayyads and
the early caliphs, restricted free expression and hence suppressed
traditions that were against their political domination.
Violations
of Free Expression under the Caliphs
Ibn `Asakir has related a tradition in which,
according to `Abd al-Rahman b. `Awf, `Umar b. Khattab sent for
some of the prominent companions of the Prophet, including 'Abd
Allah b. Hudhayfa, Abu Darda', Abu Dharr Ghiffari, and `Uqba b.
`Amir, and reproached them saying: "What are these traditions
that you are relating and spreading among the people?" The
companions said: "Apparently, you want to stop us from transmitting
the traditions." `Umar said: "You have no right to step
outside Madina, and as long as I am alive do not distance yourselves
from me. I know better which hadith should be accepted
and which should be rejected." The companions had no choice
but to stay in Madina as long as `Umar lived. [9]
Ibn Sa`d and Ibn `Asakir have related that
Mahmud b. `Ubayd heard `Uthman b. `Affan telling people from the
pulpit: "No one has the right to relate a tradition that
was not narrated during Abu Bakr and `Umar's time." [10]
During his reign Mu`awiya had sent official
directions that his security was removed from anyone who reported
a tradition in praise of `Ali b. Abi Talib and his descendants.
At another time he sent a written command that whereas the people
should narrate the merits of the companions and the caliphs, they
should be forced to relate for all the other companions merit
a similar to that which was attributed to `Ali.[11]
In the year 218 AH/833 CE, Ma'mun ordered all
the scholars and jurists of Iraq and other places to attend an
audience. He then went on to question them about their beliefs
and asked them specifically regarding their belief about the Qur'an,
whether it was the created or eternal Word of God. He condemned
those who maintained that it was not created and instructed his
governors in all provinces to reject their testimony. With the
exception of a few, the decision forced a majority of the scholars
to concede to the caliph's viewpoint.[12]
Malik b. Anas, the great jurist of Madina,
had issued a legal opinion contrary to the wishes of Ja`far b.
Sulayman, the governor of Madina. The latter required him to present
himself in his court where he was first humiliated and then whipped
severely with seventy lashes. This caused him to be bed-ridden
for some time. Later on, Mansur sent for Malik. In the beginning
he apologized for Malik's having been treated so harshly by Ja`far
b. Sulayman. Then he asked him to write a book on law and traditions.
"But be careful not to include difficult traditions narrated
by `Abd Allah b. `Umar, trivial topics related by `Abd Allah b.
`Abbas, and the rare hadith reported by Ibn Mas`ud. Include
only those things on which the caliphs and the companions had
agreed. Write this book so that I can send it to all cities and
require people to strictly follow only this book, and none other."
Malik complained that the scholars from Iraq held variant opinions
on matters related to law and hence would not accept his opinions.
Mansur asked him to write the book anyway and assured him that
he would impose it even on the people of Iraq. "If they do
not submit, I will behead them and will punish them severely.
Hence, be quick in writing this book. Next year my son Mahdi will
come to you to get it."[13]
The `Abbasid caliph Mu`tasim required Ahmad
b. Hanbal to appear in the court and tested him about his belief
in the Qur'an. When Ahmad refused to submit to the caliph's belief
about the created Qur'an, he ordered him to be whipped. [14]
Similarly, Mansur enticed Abu Hanifa to come to Baghdad and eventually
he poisoned him. [15] Harun Rashid ordered
`Abbad b. 'Awam's house destroyed and prohibited him from transmitting
traditions.[16]
Khalid b. Ahmad, the governor of Bukhara, asked
Muhammad b. Isma`il Bukhari, one of the major compilers of Sunni
traditions, to bring his written traditions to him and read them.
Bukhari refused to do so and sent him a message that if he did
not wish him to collect traditions he should say so, so that he
could have a valid excuse for not doing so on the Day of Judgement.
It was for that reason that he was deported from his homeland.
He took refuge in a small village known as Khartang where he lived
until his death. The narrator relates that he heard Bukhari pray
to God in his midnight prayer: "O God, if the earth has turned
narrow for me, then take my life away." It was the same month
in which he died.[17]
When another traditionist Nasa'i wrote his
book Khasa'is, in which he included traditions in praise
of `Ali b. Abi Talib, he was asked to appear in Damascus and was
ordered to write a similar book in praise of Mu`awiya. He declined
to write such a book because he could not find any materials praising
him except what the Prophet had said about him: "May God
never fill his stomach!" Because of this statement Nasa'i
was beaten up so badly that he died of it.[18]
The Implications
of the Situation
In view of the political turmoil and social
unrest that existed under the 'Abbasids and the activist message
of the traditions that deal with Mahdi'ism, especially the disappearance
of and eventual revolution under the Mahdi which had taken on
a political dimension, the masses were attracted to the promises
of a better future that were made in these messianic traditions.
Moreover in the unfavorable conditions that existed for the authors
and compilers of such traditions, it was almost unthinkable that
they would publish traditions dealing with the signs of the appearance
of the Mahdi, his invisible existence and his ultimate emergence
with the mission of destroying the wicked forces of injustice.
More importantly, it is highly improbable that the ruling dynasties
would have permitted the publication and dissemination of the
information that was available to these scholars. The publication
of such ideas was deemed a danger that directly threatened the
stability of their unjust and illegitimate power.
Consequently, neither Malik b. Anas nor Abu
Hanifa could have recorded any traditions dealing with Mahdi'ism
and the occultation in their books. It is worth recalling that
it was during this period that Muhammad b. `Abd Allah b. Hasan
and his brother Ibrahim were living an invisible and fearful life.
A large number of people believed that Muhammad was the promised
Mahdi who would revolt against the unjust rule of the 'Abbasids
and initiate reforms to institute justice. Due to the fact that
Mansur was afraid of Muhammad's disappearance and eventual revolt,
he had imprisoned a number of innocent 'Alawids to arrest him.
After all, he was the same caliph who had killed Abu Hanifa with
poison, and whose governor had whipped Malik b. Anas.
Again, it is relevant to bear in mind that
it was Mansur who had ordered Malik to write a book in which he
should reject any hadith from `Abd Allah b. `Umar, `Abd
Allah b. `Abbas and Ibn Mas`ud. When Malik objected by pointing
out that the people of Iraq had their own traditions and opinions,
Mansur promised that he would coerce them into accepting Malik's
version. Who could have objected to the caliph that he should
keep clear of the people's religious matters? Why should the traditions
reported by such prominent early figures like Ibn Mas`ud and others
be rejected?
There is no reason that can justifiably be
cited to explain such an irrational behavior on the part of those
who were in power. To be sure, these individuals whose traditions
were prohibited from being cited were relating traditions that
were viewed by these wicked rulers as a threat to their power.
Hence, they banned their publication and dissemination. In the
case of Malik, it is said that he had heard some hundred thousand
traditions of which he published only five hundred in his book
on traditions: Muwatta'.[19]
In other words, it was impossible for the traditionists
like Ahmad b. Hanbal, Bukhari and Nasa'i to record traditions
that were more favorable to the 'Alawids without suffering torture
and deportation at the hands of the 'Abbasids.
Concluding
Remarks
From all that we have discussed so far, we
can draw the following conclusions:
(a) Since the traditions dealing with Mahdi'ism,
more specifically the occultation and revolution of the Mahdi,
had assumed a political dimension which was deemed by the rulers
a threat to their power but favorable to their rivals, the 'Alawids,
the Sunni scholars could not record these traditions in their
books because of the limitations imposed upon them by the caliphs
and their governors. And, if some succeeded in sidestepping the
prohibition and published these traditions, ways were found to
suppress them. It may be because the fundamental belief in the
Mahdi, in its ambiguous and concise form, posed no threat to the
caliphate that it remained immune from eradication. But the information
about all the signs of the promised Mahdi and other details were
preserved in the traditions that were reported by the Prophet
and the Imams (peace be upon them) and were circulated among the
Shi'a.
(b) In spite of all the obstacles created by
the caliphal authority, the Sunni books of hadith contained
numerous traditions on the subject of the Mahdi. One day someone
mentioned the following in the presence of Hudhayfa: "You
must be very fortunate if the Mahdi appears while the companions
of the Prophet are still alive. Is that not true? The Mahdi will
not rise until there exists a concealed person dearer to the people
than him [the Prophet]."[20]
Here Hudhayfa has hinted at the occultation
of the Mahdi. Hudhayfa was among those few companions of the Prophet
who had information about the conditions of the time and about
some of the hidden matters that were told by the Prophet. He used
to say: "Among all the people I am the most informed about
the future occurrences, because the Prophet had mentioned those
in a gathering [among the members of which] I am the only survivor."[21]
How Long
Will the Hidden Imam Live?
Dr. Jalali:
How Long Will the Hidden Imam Live?
Mr. Hoshyar:
The term of his life has not been fixed. But the hadith
reported on the authority of the Imams introduce him as the one
endowed with a long life. For instance, Imam Hasan `Askari related:
After me my son is the Qa'im. He is the one
in whom two characteristics of the ancient prophets, namely, long
life and occultation, will be realized. His occultation will be
so much prolonged that the hearts of the people will become hard
and dark [with doubt]. Only those who receive God's special favor
and whose hearts are made unwavering and who are confirmed by
the holy spirit will remain faithful to him. [22]
Dr. Jalali:
All that you have explained about the Imam of the Age so far is
both rational and appropriate. However, there is one thing that
really troubles my mind as well as the minds of those who are
here in our gathering, namely, the problem of longevity. Educated
and intelligent people do not find such a claim of longevity plausible,
because the age of the human cell is limited. Bodily organs like
the heart, brain, kidney, and abdomen have a precise potential
to perform their function. It is logically impossible for me to
believe that the heart of a normal person can function for more
than a thousand years. Let me be very honest about the fact that
you cannot present such a phenomenon to the public in this age
of science and space technology.
Mr. Hoshyar:
Dr. Jalali, I do confess that the extended age of the Guardian
of the Age (peace be upon him) is among the difficult things to
believe. I have no knowledge of medicine or biology. However,
I am ready to accept the truth. Hence, I request you to share
your knowledge about long life with us.
Dr. Jalali:
I too should acknowledge that my own scientific knowledge is not
sufficient to allow me to solve the fundamental question we are
faced with. As such, it is better to get some expert opinion on
this subject. I think that Dr. Nafisi, the Dean and Professor
of the Medical School at the University of Isfahan, would be the
most appropriate person to address our concern. Besides his thorough
training in the field of medicine in general, he has lot of interest
in the question of longevity.
Mr. Hoshyar:
I have no objection to your proposal. I will make the necessary
inquiries and write a letter to Dr. Nafisi, inviting him to join
the group in one of its session. It might be in our interest to
wait to hear from him and, therefore, I will suggest that we meet
again after getting enough information about longevity so that
we can enter our discussions with a better understanding. When
Dr. Nafisi replies to our invitation I will ask Dr. Jalali to
contact you by phone to let you know about our next meeting.
Notes:
- Ta'rikh
(Najaf edition, 1384 AH), Vol. 3, p. 142.
- Maqatil al-talibiyyin,
p. 233-234.
- Ibid., p. 233-299.
- Ibid., p. 405-427.
- Ibid., p. 577-88.
- Ibid.,p. 463-483.
- Ibid., p. 519
- Ibid., p. 294-296
- As cited by Mahmud Abwar,
Adwa' `ala-al-sunna al- Muhammadiyya,
p. 54.
- Ibid.
- Sayyid Muhammad b. `Aqil,
al-Nasa'ih al-kafiya, p. 78, 88.
- Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh,
Vol. 3, p. 202.
- al-Imama wa al-siyasa,
Vol. 2, pp. 177-180.
- Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh,
Vol. 3, p. 206.
- Maqatil,
p. 368.
- Ibid., p. 241.
- Ta'rikh Baghdad,
Vol. 2, p. 33.
- al-Nasa'ih al-Kafiya,
p . 109.
- Adwa `ala al-sunna al-Muhammadiyya,
p. 271.
- al-Hawi li al-fatawa,
Vol. 2, p. 159.
- Ibn `Asakir, Ta'rikh,
Vol. 4, p. 9.
- Bihar al-anwar,
Vol. 51, p. 224. Additionally, there are some 46 other traditions
in this section on the same theme.
