"Wilãyat," derived from wilã', means power, authority or a right of certain kind. In Shí'a theology, "wilãyat" is the authority invested in the Prophet and the Ahlul Bayt as representatives of Almighty Allãh on this earth.

According to the late Murtaza Mutahhari, wilãyat has four dimensions:

Using this division of wilãyat's dimensions, I would like to point out the areas of agreement and disagreement among the various Muslim groups.

All Muslims unanimously accept the first dimension of wilãyat of Ahlul Bayt. Loving the Ahlul Bayt is one of the "dharûriyyãt ad-dín, the essential parts of the Islamic faith." The inclusion of salawãt[92] in the daily ritual prayers is a sufficient proof of this. See the famous anti-Shí'a books like as-Sawã'iqu 'l-Muhriqa of Ibn Hajar al-Makki and Tuhfa-e Ithnã-'Ashariyya of Shah 'Abdul 'Aziz Dehlawi, and you will realize that the Sunni polemicists labour painfully to explain that they are against the Shí'a people but not against the Shí'a Imams for they know that loving the Ahlul Bayt is an essential part of Islamic faith.

Love for the Ahlul Bayt is enshrined in verse 42:23 that we have already discussed in the last chapter. Here I shall just quote one more hadíth from the Sunni sources. Imam 'Ali said, "By Allãh the One who has spilt the grain and created the soul, verily the Prophet (a.s.) has promised that none shall love me but the believer and none shall hate me but the hypocrite."[93] Actually Jãbir bin 'Abdullãh al-Ansãri and Abu Sa'íd al-Khudari, the two famous companions of the Prophet, used to say: "We did not identify the hypocrites but by their hatred for 'Ali."[94]

It is a common view of Shí'a scholars that whoever rejects one of the dharûriyyãt ad-dín, then he is no longer considered a member of the Islamic faith.[95] It is also based on this principle that the Khawãrij and the Nawãsib (i.e., those who express hatred or enimosity towards the Ahlul Bayt) are considered as non-Muslims by Shí'a jurists.[96]

The second dimension of the wilãyat is a commonly held belief of the Shí'as as well as majority of the Sunnis who belong to Sufi orders. Nothing reflects this more than the interpretation given by Maulawi Salãmat 'Ali, a Sunni scholar of India, to the hadíth of Ghadir. He writes in at-Tabsira, "The Ahlu 's-Sunnah do not doubt the Imamate of Amíru 'l-Mu'minín ['Ali]; and that is indeed the essence of faith. It is, however, necessary that the import of the ahãdíth of Ghadír be the spiritual Imamate and not [the political] khilãfat. This is the meaning derived from the statements of the Ahlu 's-Sunnah and the scholars of Sufism, and, consequently, the allegiance of all the [Sufi] orders reach Amíru 'l-Mu'minín 'Ali bin Abi Tãlib and through him they are connected to the Messenger."[97]

Other than the Naqshbandi order, all Sufis trace the chain of their spiritual masters back to the Imams of the Ahlul Bayt, ending with Imam 'Ali bin Abi Tãlib as the spiritual authority par excellence after the Prophet.[98] The Naqsbandi order traces its spiritual leadership back to Imam Ja'far as-Sãdiq and then follows the line through his mother to Muhammad bin Abi Bakr and then to Abu Bakr. This diversion from Imam as-Sãdiq to Abu Bakr is, however, not valid because Muhammad bin Abi Bakr was raised from a very young age by Imam 'Ali bin Abi Tãlib who married Muhammad's mother, Asmã' bint Umays, after Abu Bakr's death. The only spiritual master that Muhammad bin Abi Bakr knew was Imam 'Ali bin Abi Tãlib (a.s.).

The third and fourth dimensions of wilãyat are unique Shí'í beliefs, and they are considered as part of the "dharûriyyãt al-madhhab, the essential parts of Shí'a sect." It is the common view of our scholars that anyone who rejects one of the dharûriyyãt al-madhhab, is not considered a member of the Shí'a sect.

It is important to note that whenever the Shí'as use the term "Imãmate" or "Imãm", it encompasses all the four dimensions of wilãyat. It excludes neither the spiritual and universal authority nor the social and political leadership.[99] In this sense, the Shí'í term "Imãmate" or "Imãm" is more comprehensive than the Sunni term "khilãfat" or "khalifa". In books dealing with the Shí'a-Sunni debate of the leadership after the Prophet, the focus is more on the socio-political leadership but not in the sense of denying the spiritual and universal authority of the Imam. So while reading or discussing the issue of succession of Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.), one should not lose the universal import of the status of an Imam from the Shí'a point of view.

It seems necessary to explain the fourth dimension of the wilãyat in more detail for the benefit of the readers.

The fourth dimension is the universal authority that the Prophet and the Ahlul Bayt have been vested with by the Almighty Allãh. It is an authority that makes it possible for the wali to exercise his power over everything that exists. In the words of Ayatullah al-Khumayni, "It is a vicegerency pertaining to the whole of creation, by virtue of which all the atoms in the universe humble themselves before the holder of authority."[100]

This authority of the chosen servants of Allãh is totally dependent on His discretion and power. It should not be seen in the horizonal form but in the vertical form vis-à-vis the power of Almighty Allãh. As long as we maintain the vertical hierarchy of the power, we have safeguarded the tawhíd (unity and oneness) of Allãh.

For example, all Muslims believe that it is Allãh who gives life and death to the people. The Qur'ãn itself says,

But at the same time, the Qur'ãn also attributes death to the angels by saying,

If you place the imports of these two verses side-by-side (i.e., horizontal form), then you are guilty of shirk, polytheism; but if you place them in the vertical form (with the power of the angels beneath and dependent upon the power of Allãh), then you have safeguarded the tawhid.

Similarly, if we place the power and authority of the Prophets and the Imams in the vertical form (with the conviction that their power is beneath and dependent upon the power of Allãh), then we have safeguarded the tawhíd as well as the status of the chosen servants of Allãh.

The Qur'ãn gives various examples of the persons who had been given the authority on the universe.

1. Describing the powers that Allãh, subhãnahu wa ta'ãla, had given to Prophet 'Isa bin Maryam (a.s.), the Qur'ãn quotes him as follows:

2. Describing the powers given to Prophet Sulaymãn, the Qur'ãn says:

3. Describing the power of Ãsif bin Barkhiya, the vizier of Prophet Sulaymãn, the Qur'ãn describes the scene of the moments before the Queen of Sheba and her entourage came to visit him:

In these three examples from the Qur'ãn, we see that Almighty Allãh had blessed some of his chosen servants with the power to breathe life to a shape of an animal, to bring the dead back to life, to cure the blind and the leprous, to subjugate the jinn for their work, to bring an item from far away in the twinkling of an eye, etc. These examples are sufficient to show that such powers can be given and have been given by Allãh to those whom He likes. It is this power that is referred to in Shí'a theology as "al-wilãyah at-takwíniyya - the power over the universe or the universal authority."

Allãh has given various ranks to the prophets and messengers (2:253 ; (17:55) , and all Muslims are unanimous in believing that the Prophet of Islam, Muhammad al-Mustafa, is higher in rank than all the prophets and messengers.[101] All prophets and messengers had come to prepare their societies for the acceptance of the final and universal Messenger of God, Muhammad (s.a.w.). If prophets like Sulaymãn, Dãwud, 'Isa, and Musa, and also Sulaymãn's vizier, Ãsif, were blessed with powers over the nature, then it follows by necessity that Prophet Muhammad must have been blessed with greater power over the universe. Two examples have been clearly mentioned in the Qur'ãn. The ability of the Prophet of Islam to travel into space and beyond with his human body ( 17:1; 53:5-18), and the parting of the moon by pointing towards it with his finger ( 54:1).[102]

Imam 'Ali and the other Imams of Ahlul Bayt are believed by the Shí'as to be higher in rank than all prophets and messengers except the Prophet of Islam (s.a.w.).[103] It follows as a necessity that they also have the powers that the Prophet had been blessed with by Almighty Allãh.

At this point, I will only refer to one verse from the holy Qur'ãn on this issue. During the early days in Mecca, when the idol worshippers were rejecting the claim of the Prophet, Allãh revealed a verse to console him by saying:

Prophet Muhammad is being consoled that it doesn't matter if the idolaters do not believe in your claim; it is sufficent that Allãh and 'the one who has knowledge of the Book' are witnesses to the truth of your claim. Whom is Allãh referring to as a witness to the truth of the Prophet's claim? Who is this person 'who has knowledge of the Book'? According to Shí'í reports, supported by Sunni sources, it refers to 'Ali bin Abí Tãlib.[104] There was definitely no one among the companions of the Prophet who could claim that he had more knowledge about Islam than 'Ali bin Abí Tãlib.

How does the description "having knowledge of the Book" prove the universal authority for 'Ali? If you recall, Ãsif Barkhiya, Sulaymãn's vizier, had so much power over nature that he could bring the throne of the Queen of Sheba before the "twinkling of an eye". Ãsif has been described as someone who had "'ilmun min al-kitãb - knowledge of a portion of the Book," not "the knowledge of the entire Book." In comparison to this, Imam 'Ali has been described by Allãh as someone who had "'ilmu 'l-kitãb - knowledge of the Book," not just a portion of the Book. Therefore, it is not difficult to conclude that the power of Imam 'Ali over nature must be many degrees greater than that of Ãsif Barkhiya who brought the throne from far away before the "twinkling of an eye".

Again, as an important reminder, I must state that this belief is to be held in the vertical form vis-à-vis the power of Almighty Allãh, and only in that format can we preserve the concept of tawhíd in which Allãh is the Absolute Power and source of all power. It is to remind us of the total dependency of the chosen ones upon Allãh's will and power that He commands the Prophet to say, "I do not control any benefit or harm for myself except as Allãh pleases." (7:188)This is not a denial of having power; it is affirmation of the belief that whatever power he has is according to the wish and pleasure of Almighty Allãh.

The learned scholar's article in the Bio-Ethics Encyclopaedia (in which he wrote that the Prophet Muhammad "had left no explicit instruction regarding succession to his religious-political authority") generated heated discussion among the community. The responses that the learned scholar wrote to the community and the comments he subsequently made in the majlises of Muharram 1419 at Toronto, portray the confusion about the concept of wilãyat.

First the learned scholar claimed that the wilãyat of the Prophet and the Imams was only spiritual and not political. He said:

The learned scholar says that nubuwwat did not include political leadership, and that the word mawla used by the Prophet in Ghadir did not mean khalifa (political successor) or hãkim (ruler). In other words, he is excluding the third dimension of wilãyat from the term "mawla" and restricting it to the second dimension (i.e., spiritual guidance). In his attempt to convince his audience, he makes up hypothetical and grammatically incorrect Arabic sentences which make no sense. For example, the sentence "man kuntu [lahu] khalifa fa hadha [lahu] khalifa - for whomsoever I am his successor, this is his successor." Was the Prophet "khalifa-successor" of any one from the audience? Of course, not; and that is why he did not use the term "khalifa" in the hadíth of Ghadir.

As discussed in one of the previous chapters, to understand the meaning of "mawla" as used by the Prophet for Imam 'Ali, one does not have to go far. Just ponder upon the question he asked the Muslims before presenting 'Ali as their "mawla": he asked them, "Do I not have more authority over you then you have over yourselves? A lastu awla bi kum min anfusi kum?"[107] When they replied by saying, "Certainly, O Messenger of Allãh," then he said, "Man kuntu mawlahu fa hadha 'Aliyun mawlahu - Of whomsoever I am the master, this 'Ali is his master." Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) is surely talking about a master who has more authority (awla) over the people than they have over themselves, and that includes authority in political matters also. And, therefore, there was no need for the Prophet to say, 'Man kuntu ['alayhi] hãkiman, fa hadha ['alayhi] hãkiman.'

The learned scholar continues his talk:

Is this following and obedience restricted to spiritual matters and does it not include social-political issues?

In order to prove his point that the declaration of Ghadir was not explicit enough to convey the meaning of "khilãfat" in the sense of political succession, the learned scholar says:

First, this conversation between the Prophet and 'Abdullãh ibn Mas'úd did not take place in Medina after the declaration of Ghadir as the learned scholar wants the audience to believe ("by the way, this is after Ghadir"). In the beginning of his narration, 'Abdullãh says, "We went out with the Messenger of Allãh (s.a.w.) the night of the delegation of jinn until we [reached and] stayed at 'Ula." 'Ula is a place where the Prophet had stopped on his way to Tabûk.[111]

Secondly, the event related to the delegation of jinn occurred when the Prophet was on his way to Tabûk in the year 9 A.H.[112] And the event of Ghadir Khumm took place in 10 A.H.

Thirdly, according to the methodology of the Western scholars, would not the sequence in the names suggested by 'Abdullãh ibn Mas'ûd itself be an indication that this 'hadíth' was a later fabrication? Why is the Western scholarship so quick in rejecting the ahãdíth quoted by the Shí'as that have the names of the Imams in proper sequence but not treat such hadíth of the Sunnis with equal scepticism? I know an easy response will be that "I said that 'I don't know the value of the hadíth...'" My only question is: Why confuse the people and create doubt in the explicitness of the Prophet's declaration in Ghadir by quoting such a hadíth irresponsibly?

Then on such a flimsy basis, the learned scholar concludes by saying:

Al-hamdu lil lãh, the true followers of the Prophet understood the real interpretation in Ghadír Khumm itself; and may Almighty Allãh help those who are still searching for the true interpretation of the term "mawla" and the status of "wali-ul-lãh".

In the same speech, the learned scholar further explains the meaning of Imamate by saying:

In order to defend his writing in the Bio Ethics Encyclopaedia, the learned scholar has divided "imamate" and "khilãfat" into two different realms: "imãmate" becomes a spiritual position while "khilãfat" becomes a political position. He says, "Imamate is nothing more than that", and even boldly asks the audience to "open any book of kalãm [theology]..."

Well, we opened the books of kalãm from different eras and found the statement of the learned scholar to be against the mainstream Shi'a belief on the meaning and scope of "imãmate".

Shaykh Mufid (d. 413 A.H./1022 C.E.) defines an "Imam" as follows: "The Imam is the person who has the comprehensive leadership in religious as well as worldly matters as the successor of the Prophet (a.s.)."[113]

'Allãma Hilli (d. 726 A.H./1325 C.E.) defines "Imamate" as follows: "The Imamate is a universal authority (riyãsa) in the things of religion and of the world belonging to some person and derived from (niyãba) the Prophet."[114]

'Abdu 'r-Razzãq Lãhíji (d. 1072 A.H.) defines "Imamate" as follows: "Know that Imamate is an authority over all those who are of legal age in worldly as well as religious matter based on successorship of the Prophet."[115]

'Allãmah Tabãtabã'í (d. 1401 A.H. / 1981) writes, "Thus the imamate and religious leadership in Islam may be studied from three different perspectives: from the perspective of Islamic government, of Islamic sciences and injunctions, and of leadership and innovative guidance in the spiritual life. Shí'ism believes that since Islamic society is in dire need of guidance in each of these three aspects, the person who occupies the function of giving that guidance and is the leader of the community in these areas of religious concern must be appointed by God and the Prophet."[116] Even Murtaza Mutahhari states that when the Shí'as use the term "Imam", it does not only reflect the spiritual guidance and leadership, it includes the social and political leadership also.[117]

As you can see, all these theologians and prominent scholars of the Shí'a faith unanimously define Imamate as a position that combines the spiritual/religious leadership as well as the socio-political/wordly leadership. For a Shí'a, 'Ali is the first Imam as well as the first khalifa of the Prophet. A Shí'a would never say that 'Ali is the first Imam but not the khalifa bila fasl (immediate successor) of the Prophet. The difference between Shí'as and the Sunnis is not about the spiritual leadership; it is on the socio-political leadership immediately after the Prophet. As mentioned earlier, the view that the Ahlul Bayt were "spiritual guides only but not political leaders" is a belief found among the Sunnis in general and the Sufis in particular.[118]

Then in the 6^th speech of Muharram 1419, the learned scholar, in a way, contradicts his above statement. He says:

Again in the 8th speech, the learned scholar says:

This is indeed true. Why then did the learned scholar say in the 2^nd speech, "The Prophet was never recognized as the political leader"? It is good that he made it clear that the Prophet was not only a religious leader, he was also a political leader. After WWI, there was an intense debate in Egypt on Westernization versus Islam, and some intellectuals, influenced by Western ideas, tried to secularize Islam by restricting khilãfat to spiritual issues and separting it from the ummah's political system. 'Ali 'Abdu 'r-Rãziq wrote al-Islam wa Usûlu 'l-Hukm (1925) proposing the complete separation of religion and state in Islam.[121] Similar ideas are resurfacing lately in the writings of some Muslim intellectuals influenced by the liberal/secular ideas of the West.

Then in the 9^th speech, the learned scholar again dwells upon the spiritual vs political role of the Prophet and the Imams. And now surprisingly he claims that even great scholars of Qum and Najaf have different views. He says:

The learned scholar wants to leave the impression in the minds of his listeners that even the 'ulama of Qum and Najaf had different opinions concerning the role of the Imam in the sense that Najaf confines it to a spiritual realm whereas Qum expands it to encompass a political sphere as well.

Nothing could be further from the truth. The Shí'a 'ulamã' of Najaf (exemplified by the late al-Khu'i) and Qum (exemplified by the late al-Khumayni) have identical views about the wilãyat of the Prophet and the Imams. The difference between them is not about the wilãyat of the Imams, it is about the extent of the wilãyat-e faqih, the authority of a jurist. Moreover, on the issue of wilãyat-e faqih, the division is not between Qum and Najaf; there are 'ulamã' on both sides of the issue in Qum as well as in Najaf.

As discussed earlier, all four dimensions of wilãyat for the Prophet and the Imams are among the dharûriyyãt al-madhhab (the essentials of Shí'a faith), so how could such great leaders of the Shí'a world have differences on them?

As for the views of the late Ayatullah al-Khumayni on the wilãyat of the Prophet and his Ahlul Bayt, I quote from his lecture on wilãyat-e faqíh. He says:

Ayatullah al-Khumayni, while affirming the political leadership of the Prophet and the Imams, does not deny or "de-mystify" their universal wilãyat.

Coming to the views of the late Ayatullah al-Khu'i on the wilãyat of the Prophet and the Ahlul Bayt, I quote from the transcripe of his lectures in which he says:

Then al-Khû'í also talks about the civil/political authority of the Prophet and the Imams, and says,

Ayatullãh al-Khû'í, while affirming the universal wilãyat of the Prophet and the Imams, does not deny their political authority. Actually, he goes further to say that,

In essence, the two great jurists of the contemporary Shí'a world representing Qum and Najaf have identical views about the wilãyat of the Imams of Ahlul Bayt (a.s.). They both believe in all dimensions of wilãyat -spiritual, socio-political, and universal- of the Prophet and the Imams. The difference that existed between the two was only on the limits of the authority of a faqih (mujtahid, jurist) during the Occultation of the Present Imam (a.s.). How could the learned scholar, who has written The Just Ruler on the authority of the jurist, not know the difference between wilãyat of the Imams (unanimously accepted by the Shí'a jurists) and the wilãyat of the faqíh (with dispute over its limits among the Shí'a jurists)?

Referring to the controversy surrounding his article in the Bio Ethics Encyclopeadia, the learned scholar made the following comment in his 4^th speech of Muharram 1419:

Is the issue of wilãyat and imamate a "trivial part" and "not even part of the faith"?

As we have explained earlier in this chapter, in Islam there is a term called "dharûriy, pl. dharûriyyãt" which refers to those issues that are essential parts of our religion. The "dharûriyyãt" are divided into two: "dharûriyyãt ad-dín - the essential parts of the Islamic faith" and "dharûriyyãt al-madhhab - the essential parts of the Shí'a sect". It is a common view of our scholars that whoever rejects one of the dharûriyyãt ad-dín, then he is no longer considered a member of the Islamic faith; and whoever rejects one of the dharûriyyãt al-madhhab, then he is no longer considered a member of the Shí'a Ithnã-'Ashari sect.

What is the status of the belief in the wilãyat of the Ahlul Bayt: is it one of the dharûriyyãt or not? While discussing the status of the Muslims who are not Shí'a, Ayatullãh al-Khu'i has defined wilãyat (in the sense of love for the Ahlul Bayt) as one of the dharûriyyãt ad-dín, and wilãyat (in the sense of khilãfat and political leadership) as one of the dharûriyyãt al-madhhab. The late Ayatullah says:

So according to Ayatullah al-Khu'i, the wilãyat and imãmate in the meaning of succession (khilãfat) is an essential part (dharûriy) of Shí'ism; anyone who rejects this dimension of the wilãyat would not be considered as a Shí'a. He would still be a Muslim but not a Shí'a.

As for the question that by denying the explicitness of the appointment of Imam 'Ali (a.s.), is the learned scholar "treading the path which is dangerous to the survival of the religion of the Ahlul Bayt?"

Well, the religion of the Ahlul Bayt will surely survive because it has an Imam protecting it even though he is in Occultation; but such statements will surely weaken the faith of our common people and youths in the explicit wilãyat of the Imams. You have to see where such a statement will lead: it minimises the wrong done against the Ahlul Bayt and it gives a semblance of legitimacy to Sunni view of khilãfat. A Sunni would extend this argument further that since the Prophet had not made things clear enough, the companions did what they thought was best for Islam! A Shi'a who had attended speeches of the learned scholar was saying that 'what is the problem if we believe that 'Ali is the first Imam (in the spiritual sense) and the fourth caliph (in the socio-political sense)!' With such friends we do not need an enemy.

Just before he came to Toronto in 1998 for Muharram (1419), the learned scholar sent the following correction to the publishers of the Bio-Ethics Encyclopaedia:

This he had faxed to some members of our community in Toronto and had also mentioned in one of his speeches in Muharram 1419.

We have the following comments regarding the correction: Firstly, even his correction is problematic. The learned scholar has tried to divide the succession into two: religious and political. On the issue of religious succession, he writes that the Prophet explicitly designated 'Ali to succeed him. Then he immediately qualifies the explicit designation and excludes political succession from it by writing, "he left no written guidelines on the political process." In the 4^th speech of Muharram 1419, he says: "Yes, al-Ghadir is an explicit designation, it does not mean explicit instruction about the political process. No history supports that."

Since when did "written guidelines" become important in establishing Islamic teachings? Is not the entire structure of Islamic system based on spoken words: the Qur'ãn and the sunnah? There is absolutely no "written" guidelines left by the Prophet for anything at all, so why create a new cushion for the Sunnis in their defence against the Shí'as by expecting a "written" guideline on the issue of caliphate? What about all the sayings of the Prophet on the appointment of Imam 'Ali bin Abi Tãlib (a.s.) as his caliph?

Would the value of the Prophet's "spoken" guidelines be less than the "written" guidelines? Is disobeying his "spoken" guidelines less severe than his "written" guidelines? Almighty Allãh says,

If the learned scholar wanted to mention the story of Qirtãs in which the Prophet asked for a pen and paper, then he should have written the whole story and pointed out the person responsible for not letting the Prophet leave anything in writing.

Secondly, the play with words like "designation" and "instruction" is disturbing. In Ghadír, the Prophet talks about his approaching death and then gets an acknowledgement from the Muslims about the level of his authority over them, and then he declares that "Whosoever's master am I, this 'Ali is master." Then he says that "I am leaving two things behind: the Book of Allãh and my Progeny, as long as you hold fast to them both, you will not go astray." And then he instructs the companions to come and greet Imam 'Ali (a.s.) by addressing him as the "Amir - Leader". When you see the whole context of the event of Ghadir, is it not a clear instruction, designation, indication, inclination, appointment -or what you would like to call it- for the leadership of Imam 'Ali after the death of the Prophet?

To believe that the Prophet did not leave explicit instructions about his political successor gives semblance of legitimacy to the Sunni caliphate. If the Prophet had not clearly said anything about this matter, then how can the Shí'as claim that Sunni caliphs usurped the right of 'Ali bin Abi Tãlib (a.s.)? Such a statement helps no one but the Sunnis.

Thirdly, in light of the learned scholar's statement, one can say that 'Ali is the "Imam" (religious/spiritual successor) but not the "Caliph" (political successor)! I do not know what the learned scholar would say about the declaration of the Prophet in Da'wat Dhul 'Ashira that 'Ali is "my successor - khalifati".

In Shi'a theology, as mentioned earlier, there is no difference between "imamate" and "khilafat". The implication of these two titles is simple: 'Ali, in relation to the Prophet, is his khalifa and successor; and 'Ali, in relation to the ummah, is their Imam and leader. So defining "imamate" as a religious succession and "khilafat" as a political succession goes against the implications of "Imam" and "Khalifa". 'Ali is the Imam of the Muslim ummah in religious as well as political matters, and likewise 'Ali is the Khalifa of the Prophet in religious as well as political matters. Being wrongfully deprived of his political position does not diminish the reality of the truth. In the words of Sayyid al-Khû'í, "Not exercising [the authority] does not prove non-existence of the wilãyat."

Division of leadership into religious and political has actually happened in the Sunni version of Muslim history. The first four caliphs assumed the political and the religious leadership which is why that era is described as "al-khilãfatu 'r-rãshida - the rightly guided caliphate". After that, the caliphs assumed the political leadership but the religious leadership was assumed by others. In jurisprudence (fiqh), for example, the four Imams emerged as the leaders even while there were caliphs who ruled in their times. In theology, Abu 'l-Hasan al-Ash'ari and Abu Mansûr al-Mãturidi emerged as the leader. In spiritualism, various masters (and even some Shí'a Imams) were accepted as guides and leaders by Sufi orders.

The Shí'as did not subscribe to the division of leadership in political and religious realms; the Imams are their ultimate guides and leaders in all spheres of life: religious and political, legal and theological. Therefore, Imam Ja'far as-Sãdiq (a.s.) for example, is not just a legal guide for the Shí'as, he is their ultimate leader in the fullest sense of the word, even if some dimensions of his leadership was not manifest.

[Also see Master and Mastership]

[92] Salăwăt means praying for Allăh's blessings on Prophet Muhammad and his Ahlul Bayt. This is included in the daily ritual prayers by all Muslims

[93] An authentic and sahíh hadíth narrated by an-Nasă'í, Khasă'is Amiri 'l-Mu'minín 'Ali bin Abi Tălib (Beirut: Daru 'l-Kităb, 1987) p. 101-102; the annotator, al-Athari, has given many more quotations like Sahíh of Muslim, Sahíh of at-Tirmidhi, and others

[94] Narrated by Ahmad bin Hanbal and at-Tirmidhi, both in the section of al-manăqib, as quoted in Muhibbu 'd-Dín at-Tabari, Dhakhă'iru 'l-'Uqba fi Manăqib Dhawi 'l-Qurba, ed. Akram al-Bushi (Jeddah: Maktabatu 's-Sahăba, 1995) p. 165

[95] On the rejection of the dharűriyyăt, see al-Majlisi, "Risălah fi 'l-I'tiqădăt," Manăhiju 'l-Haqq wa 'n-Najăt, ed. Sayyid Hasan Bani Tabă (Qum: Markaz-e Ăthăr Shí'a, 1372 solar AH) p. 308-309; Sayyid Muhammad Kădhim al-Yazdi, al-'Urwatu 'l-Wuthqa (Tehran: Dăr al-Kutub al-Islamiyya, 1392) p. 24

[96] As-Sadűq, I'tiqădătu 'l-Imămiyya, p. 94; in its English translation, The Shi'ite Creed, see p. 85. Also see any standard text on Shí'a jurisprudence in the section on "najăsăt" under "kăfir"

[97] As quoted by the late 'Allămah Mir Hămid Husayn al-Musawi who then refutes it to prove the universal Imamate of Imam 'Ali through hadíth of Ghadír. See al-Milăni, Nafahătu 'l-Azhar fi Khulăsati 'Abaqăti 'l-Anwăr, vol. 9 (Beirut: Dăru 'l-Mu'arrikhi 'l-'Arabi, 1995) p. 311

[98] Sayyid Hussain Nasr, "Shí'ism and Sufism," p. 103

[99] See Mutahhari, Wilăyah, p. 72; also see Mutahhari's Imămat wa Rahbari, p. 163 as quoted by our teacher Sayyid Muhsin al-Kharrăzi, Bidăyatu 'l-Ma'ărifi 'l-Ilăhiyya vol. 2, p. 12-16

[100] The full quotation will come later on in this chapter

[101] As-Sadűq, I'tiqădăt, p. 92-93; in its English translation, The Shi'ite Creed, p. 84-85; al-Majlisi, "Risăla fi 'l-I'tiqădăt," p. 310

[102] On parting of the moon, see in Shí'a sources, at-Tabrasi, Majma'u 'l-Bayăn, vol. 5, p. 186; at-Tabătabă'í, al-Mizăn fi Tafsíri 'l-Qur'ăn, vol. 19, p. 60-72 who also refutes the objections raised by the materialist minded Muslims who like to interpret all such verses in metaphorical sense. In Sunni sources, see al-Fakhr ar-Răzi, at-Tafsíru 'l-Kabír, vol. 15, p. 26; as-Suyűti, ad-Durru 'l-Manthűr, vol. 6, p. 133; Mawdűdi, Tafhímu 'l-Qur'ăn, vol. 5, p. 230-231

[103] As-Sadűq, I'tiqădăt, p. 92-93; in its English translation, The Shi'ite Creed, p. 84-85; al-Majlisi, "Risăla fi 'l-I'tiqădăt," p. 310

[104] Among Sunni references, see Ibn al-Maghăzili ash-Shăfi'í, Manăqib al-Imam 'Ali bin Abí Tălib, p. 313 (hadíth # 358); as-Suyűti, ad-Durru 'l-Manthűr, vol. 4 (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, n.d.) p. 669; al-Qandűzi, Yanăbí'u 'l-Muwaddah (Beirut:, 1390/1970) p. 121. For further references, see ash-Shahíd at-Tustari, Ihqăqu 'l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 280, vol. 14, p. 362-365, vol. 20, p. 75-77. For a critical review of the counter reports cited by some Sunni scholars, see at-Tabătabă'í, al-Mizăn, vol. 11, p. 423-428

[105] This is again an example of saying one thing in his academic work and saying something else when talking to the Shí'a community. Dr. Sachedina, as mentioned earlier, has written in Islamic Messianism that Islam began as a political movement and later on acquired religious emphasis; now he is saying that the Prophet was recognized fundamentally as a prophet of God and was never recognized as a political leader

[106] Dr. Sachedina's 2nd speech of Muharram 1419 in Toronto. He has inadvertently quoted the Qur'ănic verse incorrectly, it is not 'wal kăfirun laysa lahum mawla', it is 'wa anna 'l-kăfirín la mawla lahum.' (47:11)

[107] This question of the Prophet is based on the verse 33:6of the Qur'ăn

[108] 2nd speech in Toronto, Muharram 1419

[109] Although this sentence is cushioned in "if it is authentic" escape clause, it creates more questions: During the last days of Ramadhăn 1418, Dr. Sachedina made the following declaration on the Internet: "I am taking this opportunity to state in the most ABSOLUTE terms that not only do I believe in the unequivocal authenticity of the event of al-Ghadir..., I believe that the statement by the Prophet 'Everyone whose master I am, also has 'Ali as a master,' to be the explicit designation of the Imam 'Ali to the office of the Leadership of Muslim Community, as upheld by the Twelver Shí'a faith." Then less than four months later, in Muharram 1419, he makes such statements that cast doubt in the explicitness of the declaration of Ghadir Khumm

[110] The 2nd speech of Muharram 1419 at Toronto

[111] At-Turayhi, al-Majma'u 'l-Bahrayn, ed. Mahműd 'Ădil, vol. 3 (Tehran: Daftar-e Nashr-e Farhang-e Islami, 1408) p. 242

[112] Al-Mufíd, Ămăli, vol. 13 (Musannafăt Shaykh al-Mufíd) p. 35

[113] Al-Mufid, an-Nukatu 'l-I'tiqădiyya in vol. 10 of Musannafăt ash-Shaykh al-Mufid (Qum: Mu'assasa Ăli 'l-Bayt, 1413 AH) p. 39

[114] Al-Hilli, al-Băbu 'l-Hădi 'Ashar [Qum: Nashr Nawid, 1368 AH solar] p. 184; also see its English translation A Treatise on the Principles of Shí'ite Thought, tr. William Miller (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1958) p. 62

[115] Lahíji, Sarmăya-e Imăn (Qum: Intishărăt-e az-Zahra, 1372 AH solar) p. 107

[116] Tabătabă'í, Shí'a Islam, tr. Nasr (Qum: Ansariyan, 1989) p. 173

[117] Mutahhari, Wilăya, p. 72

[118] See p. 90-91

[119] In the 6th speech in Muharram 1419 at Toronto

[120] In the 8th speech in Muharram 1419 at Toronto

[121] On 'Abdu 'r-Răziq's book and al-Bakhit's reponse to it, see Hourani, Arabic Thought, pp. 184-192; on Rashid Radha's response, see Kerr, Islamic Reform, pp. 179-185

[122] The 9th speech in Muharram 1419 in Toronto

[123] Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, tr. Hamid Algar (Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1981) p. 64-65

[124] At-Tawhidi, Muhammad 'Ali, Misbăhu 'l-Faqăhah, vol. 5 (Qum: Intishărat-e Wijdani, 1368 A.H. solar) p. 35

[125] Ibid, p. 38-39

[126] Ibid, p. 39

[127] Al-Gharawi, Mirza 'Ali, at-Tanqíh fi Sharhi 'l-'Urwati 'l-Wuthqa, vol. 2 (Qum: Dar al-Hadi, 1410 AH) p. 86.